The Straits Times Blogs - Teo Cheng Wee

Waiting for Noordin

2009-10-05T09:58:00Z

Teo Cheng Wee met the people who waited for days for Noordin Top to return.

IN PONTIAN, JOHOR

IT'S NOT often that the sleepy village of Kampung Melayu in Pontian sees so much action.

Located an hour's drive from Johor Baru, its surrounding landscape comprises largely of one-storey bungalows, palm trees and stray chickens.

But for a few days last week, the town was a hub of action, captivated by the return of an infamous former resident.

By the time the body of slain militant leader Noordin Top arrived in Kampung Melayu, close to 500 people had already gathered at the village mosque.

Around one-third of the crowd were journalists and policemen, keenly watching the developments surrounding the man said to be implicated in every single major terror attack in Indonesia since 2003.

The 41-year-old was killed more than two weeks ago, along with three other militants, at the bloody end of a nine-hour siege in Central Java.

Journalists had been staking out the village cemetery in the days leading to his return.

The police, in turn, were staking out the journalists. I was asked three times by different cops for my name and organisation, and also had to surrender my identity card and press pass for checking.

The police were also keeping a close eye on the other people who came by.

This was, after all, one of the most feared terror masterminds in the region, with a loyal legion of followers.

Yet if there were any JI militants among the ranks at the burial, we could not tell.

Some people did not want to talk to us when we approached them, but many said they do not approve of Noordin's actions.

Most of those who turned up for the funeral said they were simply curious. Residents told me that everyone in the village knew who Noordin was, but his name seldom came up in conversations.

This included Kampung Melayu dweller Ilul Yahadi, 30, who went to the cemetery four times to wait for Noordin.

He had thought that the body was returning in previous days, but each time it turned out to be a false alarm. Fourth time was a charm for Mr Ilul — by then the odd job labourer had already given up RM200 worth of pay.

He told me he had never met Noordin before, but that Noordin had great influence — this was a man who could trigger a large police presence in the village everytime there was a rumour of his return.

Then there was Mohan Abdullah, 49, who spent almost the entire day waiting on Thursday with his wife and teenage son.

The chubby logistics manager, who hails from the town of Parit Raja 45 minutes away, said he had gone to the same school as Noordin but had never seen him before because he was much younger.

"I wanted to see who was this man that the whole world was talking about," he said. When Noordin failed to turn up, he shrugged and decided to visit a few relatives in the area instead.

Mr Mohan asked me to SMS him when I could confirm the return of Noordin's body. I did so the following day, and he gave me a wave when I saw him at the burial a few hours later.

At least one person, however, remembers Noordin. Fisherman Hammam Abdul Gaffar, 40, played with him when they were teenagers. He described Noordin as a quiet boy, but said that he had lost touch with him after he left school.

"I was shocked to see Noordin in the news. If you knew him, you would never expect him to do this," he said. "He said he was fighting for Islam, but this is not the way."

Two speeches. Two reactions.

2009-09-14T06:15:00Z

Teo Cheng Wee looks closely at the opening speeches of the MIC general assembly.

IN KUALA LUMPUR

IN MIC president Samy Vellu's speech to party delegates at its annual general meeting last Saturday, he asked for more aid for the community and schools, and more job opportunities in the civil service.

It was a routine speech, and he got polite applause.

It was a stark contrast to Prime Minister Najib Razak's address, which came next. He was frequently rewarded with cheers and loud applause, and the crowd was hanging on to his every word.

Datuk Seri Najib touched on winning back support for the Barisan Nasional (BN) and tasked MIC with winning back Indians hearts, which had deserted the party and ruling coalition in droves during the last general elections (GE).

That will be your KPI (key performance index), he said.

He also threw in some light humour. He reminded them of his efforts to connect with Indians. He said he loved to interact with people, and recalled his walkabout among the Indian community in Brickfields, where he ended up at a restaurant called Dewi's Corner.

It is now called Najib's Corner, after the Prime Minister had a meal there. Now a picture of him hangs on the wall, showing the entrepreneurial spirit of the Indians, Mr Najib said.

"I'm going to charge royalties," he quipped, to laughter from the crowd.

But then he moved into what seemed like sensitive ground, telling the delegates that they had to be humble, to do their work seriously and to serve the people.

He even threw in a veiled criticism of Mr Samy Vellu, saying that being popular in a party didn't mean that one would be popular with the people.

Mr Samy Vellu has been leading MIC for 30 years and refused to relinquish power, even after MIC's heavy defeats in the last GE and many signs that he is unpopular in the Indian community.

As a result, observers note that Mr Najib has been bypassing MIC, and choosing to engage Indians directly with walkabouts and visits.

Yet the delegates embraced his message, cheering and clapping even louder, and responding "yes" emphatically when Mr Najib asked them if they could do what he asked of them.

He worked them up into a frenzy, and they eventually gave him a standing ovation when his speech was over.

One of the last people to stand up - he finally did so near the end of the ovation - was an unhappy-looking Samy Vellu.

Why, Mr Najib looked more like the MIC president than the MIC president himself, one reporter said.

The delegates may have still decided to sweep Mr Samy Vellu back into power, along with his allies in the polling later that day.

But judging from their reactions that Saturday morning, it seemed clear who they liked better.

The fight for the Indian vote is far from over for the ruling coalition. Recent incidents like the Section 23 temple row, in which Malay residents stepped on a cow's head in a provocative protest, will not make things easier for BN.

Mr Najib will be relieved that, through his direct engagements, he seems to have made some headway with the community.

Playing on political puns

2009-09-03T22:49:00Z

Teo Cheng Wee says Malaysia's Chinese papers are enjoying the MCA tussle

IN KUALA LUMPUR

IT DOES not seem the most likely time or place, but amidst the current mud-slinging in Malaysia's Chinese political circles is a pinch of cheeky, clean fun.

The Chinese papers here are having a field day reporting on the ongoing leadership tussle between the Malaysian Chinese Association's (MCA) president Ong Tee Keat and recently-fired deputy president Chua Soi Lek.

They have given generous coverage of the duo's feud, which came to a boil when the latter was sacked from the party last week over an old sex scandal.

Datuk Seri Chua's supporters have moved to hold an extraordinary general meeting (EGM) to reinstate him and to push for a motion of no-confidence against Datuk Seri Ong, saying Mr Chua was unfairly persecuted. They say his scandal was exposed almost two years ago, and he had already resigned from all his government and party posts.

The fiery face-off between MCA's top two leaders has provided much fodder for the Chinese press, which dedicate pages of coverage to the contest daily. It is often serious, but sometimes irreverent - and that is where the cheeky fun comes in.

In fact, as the saga has developed, cooking metaphors seem to be the order of the day. This is, after all, a party which has become synonymous with the "cai dan" (Mandarin for "menu").

The "cai dan" is a list of preferred candidates for different posts, endorsed by an MCA leader or its influential members, during the party's internal elections.

The Chinese media had quickly termed Mr Chua's sacking as "chao cai", or "frying vegetables", combining his surname with the common slang "chao you yu", which means "frying cuttlefish" or sacking somebody.

A few days later, rumours surfaced that Mr Ong might step down together Mr Chua, ending the strife by allowing two new leaders to take their place.

Among the successors being bandied around were MCA vice-presidents Kong Cho Ha and Liow Tiong Lai, as well as MCA Youth Chief Wee Ka Siong.

More puns ensued. This time, the press said that "weng cai" (or the kangkong vegetable, which sounds like a combination of the two incumbents' surnames) would be giving way to either "jiang liao" (cooking sauce, a combination of Mr Kong and Mr Liow's surnames) or "liao wei" (flavouring, a combination of Mr Liow and Dr Wee's surname)

One cartoon in Sin Chew Daily on Monday even had two supermarket saleswomen trying to entice a curious customer to test one of these new products.

"New addition, new taste, want to try?" one of them asks with a big grin.

Indeed, cartoon caricatures of Mr Ong and Mr Chua have been appearing almost daily, in different forms of competition: arm-wrestling one day; playing chess the next.

Nanyang Siang Pau also pictured the pair playing poker on the paper's Sunday cover, when it emerged that Datuk Seri Ong Ka Chuan, brother of MCA's last president Ong Ka Ting, had tacitly pledged his sizeable support base in Perak to Mr Chua.

In Nanyang's picture, Mr Chua is holding a King of Hearts card with Mr Ong Ka Chuan's face on it. The paper called it a "huang pai" (or trump card), a play on the latter's surname, which sounds like "King" in Mandarin.

But Mr Ong Tee Keat, the Chinese media says, will not go down easy.

He has been dubbed "bu dao weng" - one of those roly poly plastic toys that keep bouncing up no matter how much you punch it. Once again, it's a play on his surname. "Bu dao weng" literally means "Ong who doesn't fall" - a name which seems to resonate even more now that he has stolen a march on Mr Chua by calling for an EGM of his own.

As the two men continue brewing up a storm, the Chinese media will no doubt cook up more puns. We can expect future developments to be just as spicy.

Not funny anymore

2009-06-18T07:19:00Z

Teo Cheng Wee on what Iranians told him about their country.

IN IRAN

IN SOME ways the massive demonstrations currently going on in Iran have surprised me; in some ways they have not.

Iranians have spilled onto the streets since the elections.
PHOTO: AFP

The unsurprising part comes from my interactions with the locals. I was in Iran just a month ago, and many Iranians I met expressed dissatisfaction with current president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.

The surprise is that almost everyone seemed to be resigned to the fact that he was going to win another term — and most said they weren't going to bother voting, much less take to the streets.

It was at the famous Khaju bridge in Esfahan — the cultural centre of Iran — that I met English teacher Ali Reza.

Like almost every Iranian I spoke to — and I've probably chatted with a good dozen people — Mr Reza, a slim man in his 30s, was the one who initiated the conversation.

And like everyone else, after the pleasantries, the conversation turned to, "So what do you think about Iran?"

This isn't small talk. Underscoring Iranians' curiosity is a palpable sense of insecurity about how they are being seen by the outside world.

I say this because our conversation never ends there, after that innocuous first question. They move on to ask your views of the country's political stand, whether you think they should have nuclear power and if you think they are treated fairly by the Western world.

Many of them are aware that sizeable parts of the world see them as nuclear power crazy, religious zealots who scream jihad everyday.

That couldn't be further from the truth. I spent two weeks in Iran and many of the people I met hold moderate views.

They are educated, well-spoken and their women, for all the negativity around how they must all wear headscarfs, are a lot more emancipated and independent than in other Islamic countries.

Most of them blame Mr Ahmadinejad's unnecessary posturing for showing the world a totally skewed image of their nation.

So they cap it off with a careful reminder that most Iranians are not extremists.

And almost all of them would add that they, and many other Iranians, do not share the views of their president — a conservative, religious man backed by the powerful ruling clerics of the country.

"When Ahmadinejad speaks, his views do not represent the people. Khatami — he represents the people," they often said.

Indeed, many still speak fondly of the last person to lead their country — the moderate reformist Mohammad Khatami, who was president from 1997 to 2005.

When I ask who they think will win the upcoming elections, they were certain — Mr Ahmadinejad would triumph.

"Elections here are dirty," said Mr Ali, who said that he wasn't planning to vote, because he knew the incumbent would win again.

But if everyone tells me they dislike their president, and they want to vote for the opposition, surely something should come out of these pent-up sentiments?

Flash forward one month and that's what the anti-Ahmadinejad protesters in the streets seem to be saying.

Reportedly stirred out of their slumber in the run-up to the polls, many of Iran's youths are questioning the landslide victory for the incumbent, triggering the biggest street protests the country has seen in decades.

I'm not saying Mr Ahmadinejad doesn't have supporters. His detractors know that as well, but they are upset at how — in their view — the contest was clearly rigged.

"Where is my vote?" is now their slogan.

Mr Ahmadinejad's base is in the rural areas, places I didn't venture to. It's there that his religious, man-of-the-people image holds great appeal.

Even in the urban areas, there is the odd dissenting voice, like that of Mr Reza's father, who we met together with him at the bridge.

Like his son, he was an English teacher and spoke in flawless English. He said he is perfectly happy with Mr Ahmadinejad.

"He is brave. He dares to speak. It's about time someone stood up to the Americans and George Bush," he told us.

It was a funny sight, seeing the two of them, father and son, bantering and exchanging their opposing views with us.

At points they would rebut each other. Other times, one would listen impatiently and wait for his chance to interject.

They threw up their hands and rolled their eyes, but all in the right spirit, and we had a good laugh for the half hour we spent together.

But the people who hold the same opposing viewpoints are now taking turns to demonstrate on the streets of Tehran. There have been clashes with police and violence, and no apparent end in sight.

Some protesters see Mr Ahmadinejad as a dictator.
PHOTO: REUTERS

At last count I believe there were seven deaths from the protests. It's not funny anymore.

Tweets from Malaysia

2009-06-17T04:40:00Z

Teo Cheng Wee checks out the latest battlefront for politicians — Twitter.

IN KUALA LUMPUR

MALAYSIAN politicians, some of whom have whole-heartedly embraced the culture of blogs and Facebook to further their cause, have recently gotten busy on Twitter as well.

Before Parliament reconvened on Monday, opposition MP Lim Kit Siang said he planned to Twitter from inside and invited other MPs to join him in making history.

As luck would have it, there was no better place to unleash this new weapon of communication.

Twitter is a free service that allows people to broadcast to others via the Net with messages no longer than 140 characters. Think of it as SMS blasts to your friends.

The session got off to a fiery start when newly elected opposition MP Nizar Jamaluddin was ejected for putting on a black songkok with with the words "Bubar DUN" (dissolve the state assembly) and shouting "Long live the people" and "Dissolve the Perak assembly".

Datuk Seri Nizar was the former menteri besar of Perak before Barisan Nasional (BN) seized power there through defections from Pakatan Rakyat (PR).

Mr Lim swiftly swung into action, sending four tweets in quick succession:
10.11: pandemonium in hse nizar ordered out of house by speaker
10.12: 2 other pr mps ordered out of house
10.16: speaker orders pas mp out 4 wearing headband "bubar dun"
10.29: Speaker said where in nation's history an MP taking oath shouted "Bubar Dun" I asked where in nation's history illegal power grab in Perak?

But in between, he was countered by BN MP and Umno Youth chief Khairy Jamaluddin, who sent four tweets in as many minutes with his own version of events.

10.18: Opposition MPs defy speaker by insisting on wearing "Bubar DUN" headbands. Speaker warns but ignored, several opp MPs asked to leave.
10.19: Childish, unproductive and a mockery of Parliament.
10.20: Speaker gets things undercontrol. But I was stunned by the childish display. Speaker nicely asked them to remove their headbands but ignored
10.21: Everything started when Nizar ex-MB started shouting "Hidup, hidup" after being sworn in. Grandstanding for the TV cameras. Sigh. Poser.

They were among the four MPs tweeting furiously on Tuesday — the other two being opposition MPs Jeff Ooi and Tony Pua.

While most of them were updates on the motions being debated, later in the day, Mr Khairy couldn't resist taking a dig at Mr Ooi's frequent updates.

"Wishes (Jeff Ooi) would debate issues in the chamber & not just tweet. He's always very quiet in the Dewan," he wrote.

Much has been made about how Malaysians get their news and form their opinions from online sources rather than the mainstream media, which is why many politicians started their own blogs.

This latest avenue, on the other hand, seems like it will allow politicians to play journalist and write their own version of breaking news as well.

If Parliament is anything to go by, it also allows them to react, respond and rebut other tweets if they have to.

And it gives them a chance to show their more personal side — which is why celebrities are using Twitter to hook their fans — Mr Khairy occasionally tweeted on Monday about fretting over his mismatched clothes in Parliament.

For the discerning Malaysian, it could mean more sifting and digesting of yet another bunch of "news sources".

Twitter's use here is still evolving. But it could be another useful tool in the arsenal of the politicians in getting their messages out.

For now — as it was with blogs and the alternative media — the opposition seems to have cottoned on to it more quickly. Mr Khairy is the lone active voice for BN.

But the ruling party may want to learn fast. Already Mr Lim has 2,000 followers on Twitter, way ahead of Mr Khairy and Mr Ooi (800 each), and Mr Pua (500).

They will also need to use it in the spirit that most Twitterers do.

Prime Minister Najib, for instance, has a Twitter account. He actually has a whopping 1,800 followers as well.

But on most days, his entries appear uninteresting, along the lines of this entry on Tuesday: "3pm: Meetings".

How many As are too many?

2009-06-03T22:15:00Z

Teo Cheng Wee on the limiting of high-school examination subjects in Malaysia.

IN KUALA LUMPUR

THE announcement seemed innocuous enough. From next year, Malaysian students can only take a maximum of 10 subjects for the Sijil Pelajaran Malaysia (SPM) examinations, Education Minister Muhyiddin Yassin said last week.

For one, it shouldn't affect too many people. Nine out of 10 students here don't take so many papers for this examination anyway, which is the equivalent of the O-levels in Singapore.

But the news has swiftly stirred up controversy, with as many people supporting the move as those opposing it.

On Tan Sri Muhyiddin's side are people who feel that Malaysians have gone exam-crazy in the pursuit of excellence. It was only in recent years that teenagers have taken to piling on subjects, with some taking as many as 20.

Previously, the average was around eight or nine, similar to the number of O-level subjects that Singaporean students take.

On the other side are those who feel that restricting the number of subjects means stifling the ability of the bright students. If someone is capable of taking more than 10 subjects, they argue, there should be no reason to stop them from fulfilling their full potential.

Underscoring this issue, however, is the awarding of the prestigious Public Service Department (PSD) scholarships for universities, which are based on SPM results.

The subject of the scholarship is the key reason for this move, as Mr Muhyiddin said that limiting the number of subjects will eradicate the controversy surrounding the awarding of the scholarships every year.

He did not elaborate on how this will work, but the annual brouhaha over the SPM is very real.

When the SPM results are announced every year, there are always disgruntled parents airing their views in the media, upset that their child didn't get a scholarship despite scoring, say, 15 A's, when someone else with 9 A's snagged one.

The students who take many subjects in the SPM no doubt hope that this will get them greater recognition in the race for these prestigious scholarships.

It may give them some leverage, but by now it should have become obvious that it certainly doesn't guarantee the scholarship.

For the Malaysian government, the SPM results presents a tricky situation because the issue carries a racial element — many non-Bumiputeras claim that they are unfairly passed over, because 60 per cent of the scholarships are reserved for the Bumiputeras.

The Bumiputeras have hit back, saying that it's racist to suggest that they would not have gotten the scholarships anyway without the quota.

There are also accusations from all quarters that children of those with the right political connections will get the scholarships, even when their results are inferior.

Removing any possibility of scoring a flood of A's levels from the playing field could potentially lessen the political implications for the ruling Barisan Nasional.

But there is a less cynical way to view the limiting of SPM subjects, because there are also many who have criticised the current obsession with academic results.

One blogger noted that these increasing numbers of A's meant nothing, saying that those who took so many subjects were often just repeating the same papers.

A student might take, for instance, pure science, general science and applied science — similar subjects that can help him score more A's, although he is not really learning anything new or useful.

"An academic kiasu-ness has no place in tertiary education, much less the real world," he said.

Others feared turning into "exam-crazy" Singapore. Indeed, the number of Malaysians who took more than 10 SPM subjects last year outnumbers the entire cohort of Singaporeans who sat for the O-levels (45,000 to 37,000, in case you were wondering).

Many agree with Mr Muhyiddin's view that limiting subjects will give the students more time to spend on extra-curricular activities, allowing them to become more well-rounded individuals.

A student with 10A's and a good record in extra-curricular activity is more deserving of a scholarship than someone with 18A's that spends all his time buried in his books, they argue.

Malaysian-born, US-based surgeon and social commentator Bakri Musa was more blunt, saying that taking 20 subjects was "ridiculous".

He pointed out that a matriculating American high school student sits for seven subjects at most, while the renowned International Baccalaureate only offers six to eight.

Dr Bakri also disagrees with those who feel that someone with 20 A's should automatically get a scholarship over another with fewer distinctions.

"They are ascribing to the SPM a degree of precision it does not deserve. The SPM has yet to prove itself as a valid instrument in the first place," he wrote on his blog.

Although the announcement has been made, the Education Ministry has said that they will still be seeking feedback from the public this week.

The ministry will draw up a working paper next week, to be brought to the Cabinet for deliberation.

In the spotlight

2009-04-14T08:51:00Z

Teo Cheng Wee susses out Malaysia's worsening taxi situation.

IN KUALA LUMPUR

MALAYSIA'S taxi drivers, who regularly draw the ire of their countrymen, have recently found themselves in the spotlight for all the wrong reasons.

Last month, a two-week undercover check of more than 600 cabbies by the Road Transport Department (JPJ) revealed that a whopping 98 per cent of them flouted rules.

These included offences such as overcharging, not using the meter, or refusing to pick up passengers.

At the press conference, the chairman of the Commercial Vehicle Licensing Board (CVLB) Markiman Kobiran threw up his arms and admitted that the board - which issues taxi licences - had run out of ideas on how to deal with rogue cabbies.

You don't have to go far to see these guys in action. At KLCC in the heart of town, scores of them wait outside the shopping centre, preying on unsuspecting tourists. Their favourite victims are Caucasians and Arabs.

Unfortunately, for those without a car - such as myself - taxis are an essential mode of transport. Kuala Lumpur's network of buses and subways is inadequate - and often involves far too many transfers - for travelling to many places.

In the numerous trips that I have taken in taxis here, only once did the driver willingly turn on the meter. Another one did so after I prompted him to.

How does one battle a system like that? You can't. I negotiate a fare, just like everyone else. Or else the cabbie just won't take you.

Malaysian cabbies typically ask me for anything from RM10 to RM20 for a ride within KL, depending on the distance. It's at least double the amount they would make from using the meter.

"Jam lah, boss," one driver told me when I took a trip to the Institute of Diplomacy and Foreign Relations one morning.

He asked for RM15. It should only have cost half that at most, considering that we got there in 10 minutes.

"No jam okay," I remarked as I reluctantly handed over the money. He gave me a sheepish smile.

The companies purportedly provide taxi booking services, but I have only once succeeded in booking a taxi. Most of the time, they'll make me wait for 15 minutes only to call me back and say there's no taxi available.

Now I no longer bother booking taxis through the companies. I have instead, through recommendations, gotten the personal numbers of about seven or eight cabbies, who I can call on for important assignments.

Negotiating taxi fares is nothing shocking. Cabbies in many developing countries, certainly in most Southeast Asian countries I've been to, do just that.

But Malaysia's taxis weren't always like this, a colleague told me. Once upon a time, taxi drivers would switch on the meter the minute you got in, just like in Singapore.

Malaysian Chinese Association vice-president Chua Soi Lek said in his blog two weeks ago that Malaysia's bad taxi service gives a poor image of the country, because it is often the first line of contact with foreigners.

"A lot of international conferences are held in KL and one of the major complaints is taxi service, which is described as horrendous," he wrote, adding that he himself had been fleeced by drivers.

But drivers defended their actions in the wake of CVLB's results. They asked for a review of the fare structure, saying that the flag-down fare of RM2 has not changed in more than a decade, and that this was the only way for them to make ends meet.

Poor taxi service is endemic in other ways.

The CVLB has always been seen as under Umno's control. The talk is that the board selectively disburses taxi licences to those with political connections.

With an estimated 25,000 cabbies in the Klang Valley alone, running a taxi company is a lucrative business and highly sought after. It would certainly score Umno political points if given to the right people.

Yet many of these company owners are accused of having little expertise in managing cabbies.

Critics say there is little quality control and poor cabbies aren't censured, compounding the problem of bad taxi service here.

Now there is another development. During the announcement of the Malaysia's new cabinet last week, Prime Minister Najib Razak dissolved the Ministry of Entrepreneur and Cooperative Development.

CVLB, which used to be under this ministry, is now without a home.

Transport minister and MCA president Ong Tee Keat has suggested that it be placed under his ministry's care. Others are also lobbying for it.

Whichever ministry it eventually goes to, the minister will be pressured to clean up the taxi services. He will also have his work cut out to do so.

Stepping down but still Umno

2009-03-30T08:58:00Z

Teo Cheng Wee tells us what Badawi told reporters about stepping down.

In Kuala Lumpur

THERE is an annual tradition at the Umno general assembly.

Many of the politicians pay the media room a visit, to say hi to the hoards of journalists covering the biggest annual political event in Malaysia's calendar.

This year's event, which ended last Saturday, was no different.

At last count at least a dozen of them popped by, including incoming Umno Youth chief Khairy Jamaluddin, new Women's wing president Shahrizat Jalil and new vice-president Shafie Apdal, among others.

The biggest names that dropped in, however, were Malaysia's current and next prime ministers: Abdullah Badawi and Najib Razak.

It's funny how, as journalists, we are used to chasing these bigwigs around, but we still get a kick when they drop by. I think it's just the exuberance from being treated as the VIP for once: You are not going to them, they are actually coming to you.

When we heard that Datuk Seri Najib was coming last Thursday, everyone dropped their work, brushed their hair and craned their neck, waiting for him to arrive.

And when he did come, a couple of us requested for a group photo, which he duly obliged with.

His visit took all of about 15 minutes and I think we were the only group that took pictures with him.

Pak Lah, as Datuk Seri Abdullah is affectionately known as, dropped by the next day.

He got the same royal treatment from the reporters, but with one notable difference - he spent far more time returning the niceties.

As he moved from one newspaper's booth to another, he made an effort to chat with everyone. He seemed to take a genuine interest in what you were doing and ask about little things, like if you have had dinner.

In the end, he stayed for an entire hour. And almost everyone took pictures with him.

The differences couldn't be more stark. Mr Najib, the next leader of Malaysia, is a man in a hurry, with many issues on his plate to settle. Mr Abdullah, who is about to hand over the reins of power, can take his time.

He said that he would take some time off when he retires.

"I'll take a short break. Help tend to my wife's garden," Mr Abdullah told reporters at a press conference when the assembly ended.

But Mr Abdullah's mannerisms were also true to himself. He has always been a people's person, someone who is at ease talking to strangers. And like the reporters, most people seem to take to him when they meet him face-to-face.

That's his greatest strength.

Whenever I've covered his events, he would arrive and charm the audience when he goes around shaking hands. He would make a little comment here, a wisecrack there, and get everyone smiling.

Then he would go onto the stage and trudge uninspiringly through a speech, causing people to question if he knew or meant what he just said.

He only comes to life when he gets this uncomfortable bit over with, and he goes around chatting with the folks again.

It's a bit regrettable to see a likeable person go out like this, spending large parts of his farewell speech apologising for what he has failed to do as the country's leader.

As a politician, Mr Abdullah certainly had his failures. Many have charged that he was Malaysia's worst prime minister and I think it would be hard to argue with that, if one were to look at how the ruling coalition was hit with its worst-ever election results last year.

But I think it's too soon to say just how history would judge this man.

For one, his time is not up yet. Sure, he's going to do some gardening for now, but as he also said at the same press conference, he's not sad about his departure because it's not as if he's "disappearing or going into outer space".

"I'm still an Umno member," he stated.

Mr Najib has already suggested that he would tap on his expertise. While it's unclear how receptive the members would be towards having him as a mentor, I think Mr Abdullah would not do his own legacy any harm by pursuing some worthy or charitable causes that he's personally interested in.

As Umno president, he struggled with the dual tasks of managing the party while pushing through his proposed reforms.

But when he is released from the shackles of bureaucracy and politicking, he might be able to capitalise more on his personality, while riding on a precious status as the former leader of his country.

So far he has been coy about his future plans. Hopefully the end of this journey will lead to the start of a more fruitful new path.

Dynasty: Umno-style

2009-03-25T09:16:00Z

Teo Cheng Wee jostles with the crowds at the Umno elections.

In Kuala Lumpur

FOR a good hour today around lunch time, 50 energetic young men jostled and cheered outside the Tun Hussein Onn hall at the party's headquarters at Putra World Trade Centre (PWTC).

Divided into two camps, each was trying to drown out the war cry of the other.

One side was cheering for former Selangor chief minister Khir Toyo. Another chanted and sang songs for outgoing Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi's son-in-law Khairy Jamaluddin.

Both men are fighting for the Umno Youth chief post. Neither side waned even after 60 minutes of shouting themselves hoarse.

Yes, the Umno general assembly may have started yesterday, but today, with the commencement of the party polls, the noise and colour have arrived with a bang.

In the PWTC building, the cheering masses washed the hall in a sea of red and white, the colours of Umno. It is broken up only by a dash of pink, provided by the young women of Puteri Umno, the young women's wings.

It is one of three Umno wings holding elections today; the other two being Umno Youth and the women's wing Wanita.

This year's Umno elections are more heated than previously, with more candidates and more posts contested than usual.

And at this final stretch, after their chosen candidates had spent a good part of the last few months on their protracted campaigns, it was now the grassroots' turn in the spotlight.

When the all-important delegates - who will choose the next leaders of the party - arrived early in the morning, hundreds of supporters were already lying in wait.

Even before 8am, many of them have lined up by the escalators, furiously shoving name cards of their candidates into the hands of the delegates, who have come from all over the country.

Each card has a smiling picture of the man or woman they were cheering for, along with the candidate's assigned number printed in bold for good measure.

Others choose somewhat more unconventional methods: The supporters of Home Minister Syed Hamid Albar, who is running for a vice-president post, walked around with a somewhat creepy cardboard cut-out mask of the minister, slightly frightening anyone who ran into them with their hollowed-out eyes.

But ultimately it is a numbers game - literally. Each candidate is assigned a serial number, and they must place a lot of importance on it, because the numbers are found everywhere.

It is printed neatly on T-shirts (Khir's boys all have "02" emblazoned on the back of theirs, while Khairy's have "03" on theirs). The numbers are also on large foam hands, on laminated signs that supporters hang around their necks, and the shiny round badges that many of them have pinned on their bags and clothes.

Even the cheers revolve around the numbers. Sometimes all you could hear were numbers: You could catch people chanting "kosong sembilan" (Malay for "zero-nine") without making out who they were actually shouting for.

Their point, we presume is, if for some reason the names are too hard to pick out from the list, at least remember which number to put the big "X" next to.

For some candidates though, nothing replaces their personal touch, even at this 11th hour. As delegates got ready to vote, Dr Khir could still be seen drifting among them, busily shaking hands with everyone before they entered the hall to cast their vote.

He will be hoping that tonight he will be No.1, not No.2.

Read the breaking news story here.

Surviving tear gas last Saturday

2009-03-10T06:45:00Z

Teo Cheng Wee relives the chaotic scenes of a protest march in KL.

IN KUALA LUMPUR

IN A a quiet lane off Jalan Kampong Attap in downtown KL, I was trying to catch my breath.

I coughed, spat, coughed again. Flipped up my shirt to clean my eyes. Spat again.

As my vision recovered, I could see a few people doing the same, their eyes smarting from the tear gas canister that was fired in our direction just minutes ago.

A man gestured at me, pointing to my mouth. I couldn't understand what he was saying. Then a lady next to him opened her palm, revealing a small pile of salt, and told me: "Here. Take some. Put it under your tongue."

Does eating salt help fight off the effects of tear gas? I didn't care. I was in too much discomfort. I pinched some from her palm and flicked it into my mouth. Coughing too much to even be able to say thanks, I just nodded at her.

It was 40 minutes into a rally that was organised last Saturday to protest against the teaching of Maths and Science in English, known commonly here under its acronym PPSMI.

A controversial policy that was pushed through by former premier Mahathir Mohamad to raise flagging English standards, PPSMI had always faced strong objections from certain quarters.

Rural Malays say it makes it doubly hard for their children to master Maths and Science, which the kids already struggle with. And the Chinese, who are very sensitive when it comes to education, charged that it could dilute their Chinese roots.

Before the policy was implemented, Maths and Science were taught in Malay in public schools, and Mandarin and Tamil in Chinese and Indian vernacular schools.

As the government held several roundtable talks last year to see if it should be continued, the issue was brought back to the fore. Several NGOs had already threatened protests, but last Saturday's was the biggest one so far, drawing thousands of people to the event - some from as far as Terengganu, Kedah and Kelantan.

The police had earlier warned people not to take part because there was no permit, and they clearly meant business. Judging from the packets of salt that people were carting around, the protesters probably knew what they would be in for as well.

Emotions ran high on the day, and a large crowd had swelled the National Mosque by 2pm. The police set up a human wall at the entrance and attempted to stop them, but their small numbers were quickly overwhelmed by the protesters, who pushed past them and poured out onto the streets.

Their plan was to march to the National Palace a few kilometres away and hand a memorandum to the King, asking for the restoration of Malay in teaching Maths and Science.

I followed the protesters as they marched on the roads, chanting "Love live the Malay language". Traffic was brought to a total standstill, causing massive gridlock for about two hours in the capital.

But the mood remained carnival-like, with many motorists winding down their windows to shake hands or high-five protesters. Others honked loudly to show their approval. One particularly loud one from a lorry got the most applause.

The scenes only got ugly as the crowd, which most reports estimate to be near 5,000-strong, neared the palace. By then, the riot police were ready, standing guard at the palace. That was when the first tear gas canisters were fired, forcing us off the main roads and onto the little lanes to catch our breath.

SOURCE: AP

It didn't take long for everyone to recover from that first episode, and soon people were shouting at others to continue the march.

This time, the crowd was more wary, carefully eyeballing the police as they approached them a second time. Others picked up rocks, intending to throw them at the police.

SOURCE: AP

We only managed to advance another 200 metres before we saw more tear gas canisters fired, but this time it fell quite a distance up ahead. Okay enough coughing for a day, I thought as I took my handkerchief, wrapped it around my face, and waited, assessing the situation. When it blows over, we'll continue, I figured.

No chance. A few seconds later we saw more canisters flying overhead, going above us. Landing behind us.

We were caught in the middle. This time there was real pandemonium.

SOURCE: AP

Amidst screams, people were running, shouting at everyone to head back to the mosque. A few brave souls went up to the canisters and flung them away from the people. Those who were blinded were pleading for help to guide them out of the danger zone.

I just ran. My eyes were tearing again and I was coughing hard, but at least I could run. Some of the older folks were struggling and seemed to be choking really badly. People were falling over one another.

Slowly but surely, the crowd gathered again at the little lane off Jalan Kampong Attap. An old man collapsed on the ground, exhausted and wheezing. Nearby a young woman has fainted, and a few people were fanning her.

This time everyone seemed to decide it was too much. After another 15-minute break, most of them started heading back towards the mosque, cursing the riot police under their breath.

After making sure that this was really the end of the march, I followed them as well, still feeling the uncomfortable after-effects in my chest.

Weary and dishevelled, I must've lost my concentration for a second when I bumped shoulders with a protester in the middle of our 2km walk back.

We must have been the mirror image of the other person: hair wet, eyes red, clothes dirty. I could only imagine that I looked as ridiculous as the man standing before me, and he probably felt the same. As our eyes met, we both saw the funny side of what we just went through.

He patted me on the shoulders. I nodded back. We smiled.

SOURCE: AP

Malaysia's DPM reaches out

2009-03-04T06:11:00Z

Teo Cheng Wee looks at the suggestions Najib Razak got on his blog.

IN KUALA LUMPUR

IN A week's time, Malaysia's Prime Minister designate Najib Razak will table a mini-budget based on a second stimulus package, in an attempt to revitalise the country’s flagging economy.

The country has shed thousands of jobs in the past few months and many here have been worried that politics were distracting the government from the economic crisis.

When Datuk Seri Najib launched his first stimulus package last November, it was criticised for being too small - at RM7 billion - and too vague.

Now that a second package is coming - to the tune of around RM10 billion to RM15 billion, according to sources - he is taking no chances and has been actively seeking opinions from Malaysians through his blog.

Last week, he revealed that he has received 500 comments and suggestions from his countrymen in one month - a respectable count. Of these, the bulk of suggestions - close to 20 per cent - were on taxes and subsidies, followed by fuel and energy, and automotive and housing.

Mr Najib said that the suggestions were useful and that their input would be analysed to help formulate the package.

"Your contributions have been invaluable in providing me with crucial insights... during these uncertain times," he wrote.

But whether these suggestions can really be implemented is a different issue, analysts say.

"It's probably just a wishlist," noted political science lecturer James Chin. "It's not surprising that most have asked for tax cuts, but you can't plan a budget or package around laypeople's wishes."

Indeed, judging from the comments on the website, a sizeable number of suggestions do not seem feasible.

One netizen asked Mr Najib to "stop part-timers" in the event management industry, saying that part-time companies run their business "like a hobby" with low overheads.

"Their overheads are practically nil. On the contrary, we the real business entities, are losing out because we can't compete with their price," he wrote. "If we keep on losing, then we have to close shop. That causes unemployment. Hope there is a way to stop part-timers."

Another said that he has been unable to set up a business after being declared a bankrupt 10 years ago and asked the government to "write off our debts and... give us a chance to rebuild our lives again".

The more important motive for Mr Najib, Prof Chin speculates, is to show that he is aproachable to the masses.

And whether they will eventually be implemented or not, at least some are appreciating the gesture.

One person wrote on a forum: "Okay you folks in kopitiam, always complain and grumble government bodoh and what not. So now stop talking and share your 'genius' opinion on how to fix the nation."

Even if it is only a symbolic gesture, it is important for Mr Najib to show in little ways like this that he stands apart from his predecessor Abdullah Badawi - who doesn't have a blog - before he is slated to take over the premiership.

"Najib will want to show that he is different," said Prof Chin.

Everyone's waiting for the photos

2009-02-17T07:34:00Z

Teo Cheng Wee looks at the stir caused by a Selangor politician's nude pics.

In Kuala Lumpur

THERE'S nothing like a sex scandal to drive up interest in politics.

As news broke yesterday that nude photos of Selangor assemblywoman Elizabeth Wong were being distributed, everyone wanted to sneak a peek at them.

Someone raised a false alarm that they were posted on news website Agenda Daily, and everyone scrambled to log on - only to find that it was a picture of her slightly leaning on the Selangor chief minister.

Searches on Youtube also came up with nothing.

Then it became apparent that journalists would be among the first to get their hands on them.

Suddenly, those working in the media circles became the most popular people around.

Call them curious or call them busybodies, friends started inundating journalists here with requests for the opposition politician's photos.

It got so bad that a few had to post on their Facebook profiles to tell "all the perverts" to get lost and get a life.

It was heartening to see the media circle standing their ground, considering that Ms Wong, 37, appears to be a victim in all this.

The photos were said to have been taken when she was asleep and without her consent, and distributing the pictures would only be helping the person - suspected to be a spurned ex-lover - trying to tarnish her reputation.

The mainstream media have so far respected her privacy and none of them published the said photos - although we did spy a picture of her sleeping (mostly her face and no nudity, of course) on a major English news website for a couple of hours.

A few papers have also slyly juxtaposed some unrelated sexy photos from other stories next to the headline of Ms Wong's scandal.

For Ms Wong, however, this is set to be a long drawn-out affair. The latest news is that a poison pen letter is circulating, detailing a list of her numerous ex-boyfriends.

As for those who really want to see the photos, they might not have to wait very long. Nothing can be kept under wraps forever and someone will no doubt leak them onto the Internet at some point. In fact, it is believed that some pictures have already leaked.

Last year, when then-health minister Chua Soi Lek was implicated in his sex scandal - the married man was caught on tape having sex with a female friend - it took about a week before the video appeared in public space.

So now, what is that you're asking? Do I have Ms Wong's pictures?

Oh get lost, you pervert.

The feeling of visa-free

2009-02-11T12:09:00Z

Teo Cheng Wee finds out why Malaysia is happy to retain its UK 'visa-free' status.

In Kuala Lumpur

BRITAIN'S decision to extend its visa-free status to Malaysia was greeted with both joy and relief here on Tuesday.

The announcement ended a nervous six-month wait, during which Britain mulled over imposing visa requirements on a country that had always enjoyed visa-free visits for up to six months.

A retraction of the status could have strained relations between two countries which had traditionally enjoyed close ties, and affected Malaysia's international standing.

Last July, Malaysia was named among 11 countries whose citizens posed a risk regarding illegal immigration, crime and security in the UK. These countries were given a six-month period to reduce these risks.

If Malaysia did not pass muster, other European Union nations might have followed suit and imposed visa requirements as well.

Currently, Malaysians enjoy travel without restriction to some 22 countries in Europe.

Last September, Malaysian High Commissioner to Britain, Abdul Aziz Mohamad, revealed a list of misdeeds that got the country into Britain's bad books.

It turns out that Malaysians were among the top 10 nationalities who overstayed in the UK and the top 20 for overall immigration abuses.

Malaysian passports were also frequently sold to nationals from China, Sri Lanka and India, who use them to gain illegal entry into Britain because passports from their home countries are subject to more stringent checks.

Furthermore, Malaysians were selling forged documents to nationals from these countries.

Authorities learnt that many Malaysians who overstayedn their visas worked in Chinese restaurants as cooks or waiters, hoping to save enough money to start their own business in Malaysia.

To combat this problem, the Malaysian High Commission stopped renewing the passports of Malaysians who have previously overstayed in the UK.

These individuals were instead issued with an Emergency Certificate (EC) that allows them to make a one-way trip back to Malaysia.

As the government scrambled to rectify the situation, the announcement was met with unhappiness by Malaysians, who felt that the majority were being punished for the misdeeds of a few black sheep.

Britain is a popular tourist destination and sees about 100,000 visitors from Malaysia each year.

Many also go there for their studies. There are an estimated 12,000 Malaysian students in Britain now and more than 400,000 Malaysians have passed through its universities, including top politicians like deputy prime minister Najib Razak.

The implementation of a visa regime could have meant the end of the love affair, not to mention the impact it could have had on business travellers, noted industry observers.

There was even talk of a tit-for-tat retaliation: If the British revoked Malaysia's visa-free status, Malaysia would do the same.

Fortunately, it has not come to that. Malaysia was one of six countries that passed the test and continues to enjoy the visa-free status.

Prominent blogger and opposition politician Jeff Ooi cheered the decision, saying that it would save "bona fide travellers all the agony of being lumped together unfairly with the pariahs".

But the hard work is not over - and it cannot stop.

Although Britain's High Commissioner to Malaysia Boyd McCleary praised the effort that the Malaysian government had put into the issue in the last few months, he said "not everything is perfect".

Calling this incident a "stern rebuke" by the British, a New Straits Times editorial also pointed out that "Malaysians must be made aware, and reminded constantly, that the decision to continue to allow visa-free travel will not be for an indefinite period, but kept under continuing review".

Hee faces the heat

2009-02-10T06:12:00Z

Teo Cheng Wee looks at why Hee Yit Fong is getting more heat than others.

In Kuala Lumpur

LAST Wednesday, four opposition assemblymen in Perak switched allegiance to Barisan Nasional, returning power to the ruling coalition.

The move upset many Malaysians because it was seen as an illegitimate way of taking power and many hit out at the defectors.

But in the aftermath, one of the defectors appeared to be bearing the brunt of the unhappiness: DAP assemblyman Hee Yit Fong.

In the days after she quit the Democratic Action Party (DAP) to become a BN-friendly independent, she has received considerable abuse on the Internet and in real-life.

Voters and DAP leaders like Mr Lim Guan Eng labelled her as a traitor, and angry constituents have burnt photos and effigies of her.

The attacks have targeted her family as well.

Her brother told the Chinese press last week that he had gotten so many angry phone calls at the family home that they had to take the phone off the hook.

Other reports said that market stalls won't sell her family any produce and that her son had been missing from work, presumably to escape abuse.

Not surprisingly, news portal Malaysian Insider described her as "possibly the most hated woman in Malaysia right now".

In comparison, the other three "frogs", as party-hoppers are called here, seemed to get away easy.

Mr Mohd Osman Jailu, Mr Jamaluddin Radzi and Datuk Nasarudin Hashim have not had to endure the level of vitriol that Ms Hee has.

But Ms Hee's position is different from the rest. For one, she is the only Chinese among the four defectors.

She has had to bear the brunt of the anger from Perak residents, particularly the Chinese, because she was seen as a representative of her race, who stood to lose the most in a change of government.

Out of the 28 assemblymen in Perak's newly formed BN government, 27 are from Umno. Only one is from the Malaysian Chinese Association. In the previous state government, the Chinese-based DAP held 18 of the 31 seats from Pakatan Rakyat.

For the Chinese, it means that their representation in the state government has plummeted.

Among all the defectors, Ms Hee is also seen as having the least reason to jump. Mr Mohd Osman and Mr Jamaluddin were said to have been baited by the dropping corruption charges against them. This allegation was denied by the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission, but speculation remains strong.

And while some may call it double standards, Malaysians are holding Ms Hee to higher standards because she was a DAP assemblymen. DAP members, as the public sees it, are supposed to be more loyal, principled and less swayed by money.

In the latest development - which won't help her cause - sources say she will be offered a Perak exco post and an official Toyota Camry car that comes along with the job.

It is an ironic turn of events, considering that she was said to have defected because she wasn't given a Camry when she was the state deputy speaker under the Pakatan Rakyat administration.

She was not one of the six exco members sworn in by Perak's Sultan Azlan Shah today (Feb 10), but there are still four more slots to be filled in the exco.

Well aware of the anger, she has not returned to Perak since her defection, and has been trying to clear her name in the press.

She told reporters that she was forced out of DAP and that they would have kicked her out anyway, even if she didn't jump ship.

She reiterated that she was sidelined by the powerful Perak DAP leaders and cousins Mr Ngeh Koo Ham and Mr Nga Kor Ming, and had no choice but to resign.

In a Sin Chew Daily report today (Feb 10), she also denied that she received a rumoured RM 20 million payout from BN, or that she will get an exco post.

A China Press commentary today, however, spoke up for her. It expressed "sympathy and pity" for Ms Hee, saying that even if the public was upset with her, that it was unfair to target her family, who might not have much say in her final decision.

However, she must have seen this coming and should not shift blame elsewhere for her predicament, the commentary said.

"One thing is for sure. If Ms Hee wishes to continue her political career, she will need to put in 10 times the effort that a normal assemblyman does."

It looks like a long road ahead for "the most hated woman in Malaysia".

McStimulus Meals, anyone?

2009-02-03T08:25:00Z

Teo Cheng Wee checks out the McDonald's recession index in KL.

In Kuala Lumpur

IN MALAYSIA, it's not just the government that launches stimulus packages. Come Thursday, fast food chain McDonald's is launching what it calls "lunch stimulus packages".

It splashed a slew of ads in local papers today, advertising weekday lunch deals for RM5.95. That is some 30 to 40 per cent cheaper than its usual Double Cheeseburger or McChicken meals.

"With McDonald's McValue Lunch," the tagline goes, "you can enjoy stimulating meals that make perfect economic sense."

Without taking away anything from the Malaysian government, McDonald's stimulus package is a great economic indicator in its own right.

The popular food chain here typically does not need to slash prices to get customers. It usually only offers lunch deals this cheap during the fasting month, to try and attract non-Muslim customers to fill its empty seats.

A case in point: Last December, anti-Israel protesters here had urged Malaysians to boycott McDonald's, as well as other American brands, during Israel's siege on Gaza. But it had minimal effect in KL's city centre, with the KLCC branch still often packed to the rafters.

But at a time when most news is bad news, belt-tightening is the order of the day. And by slashing prices from RM9 to RM5.95 for their meals, McDonald's is lowering the cost of lunch at their restaurants on par with that of food courts.

It won't be the only one pulling out the stops to boost sales this year. Indeed, 2009 is proving to be a sharp turning point, at least to the retailers I spoke to casually in KL's malls. Many mentioned that business took a dip after the New Year.

"During December and the Christmas period, business was still good, so we didn't really see 'recession'. But then 2009 came, and it got real quiet," said one pastry shop owner at Pavilion, the latest mega mall in the capital. He has been giving away free pastries with purchases during Chinese New Year, to attract customers.

More job losses are also being reported in the new year, but the government is maintaining a brave front.

It is sticking to its 3 per cent growth forecast for this year, even as other economists slash their estimates. The more optimistic private analysts are predicting 1 per cent growth, while the pessimistic ones expect the economy to shrink and possibly go into recession.

If that happens, you can be sure that McDonald's won't be the last company to come up with their own stimulus package.